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Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. We outline some of the main forms this takes, according to our observations: the high presence of women in marketing and public relations roles; the high s of women in production co-ordination and similar roles; the domination of men of more prestigious creative roles; and the domination by men of technical jobs.

We then turn to explanation: what gender dynamics drive such patterns of work segregation according to sex? We draw on some secondary, statistical sources, but ours is primarily a qualitative approach aimed at understanding the experiences of workers, and their understandings of these experiences, and so we do not focus on statistically demonstrating this inequality in its various forms.

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Instead, we focus on a particular aspect of how gender inequality makes it harder for women to have good experiences of cultural work than men: division of labour in the cultural industries according to sex. However, this masks a considerable disparity between industries, with very low levels of female representation in the interactive content 5 per cent and game industries 6 per centhigh levels in industries such as book publishing 61 per cent female — the only subsector where female employment was above 50 per cent and radio 47 per cent.

A third industry that we discuss below, the music industry, was not included Well equipped women xxx the Skillset census. But a figure circulated by the UK rights society, PRS for Musicand attributed to research conducted by another Skills Council, Creative and Cultural Skillscites a figure of 32 per cent women and 68 per cent men in Well equipped women xxx music industry, including the recording and live sectors.

These figures almost certainly represent increases on eras. Behind these employment statistics regarding the concentration of women and men lurks a different but related problem: what is generally known by researchers as occupational and job segregation by sex — which we will call sexual work segregation for short.

There is a tendency in perhaps all existing societies for some occupations and jobs to be strongly associated with women and some with men, though there is ificant cultural variation in the. Occupations strongly associated with men include mining, driving, professional catering, plumbing and car sales.

Instead it tends to denote an increase in the concentration of women within that occupation. Segregation, as Browne : 5—6 emphasizes, is not the same as inequality. It can be thought of as having vertical inequality and horizontal difference components. There is a considerable research literature on work segregation by sex eg Bradley, ; Blackburn et al. Most books on gender and work devote some space to it.

Our concern is not sexuality, though of course this has an important role to play in sex inequality in the workplace. Rather it is the sexed division between men and women, which of course is hugely affected by gender.

This is in no way to suggest that gender is unimportant; this is emphatically not based on a desire to return to biological or Lacanian theories of sexual difference. Gender is fundamental to our analysis below, as it is to Browne's. But equality of men and women, regardless of their biological sex, rather than the hazy and confused concept of gender equality, is the goal. Equality of transgendered people with other people is a separate issue, but is absolutely compatible with that goal of sex equality in our view. The reasons why feminists of both sexes should be concerned with work segregation by sex are, surprisingly, rarely made explicit.

We will suggest some here. First, it is strongly linked to inequality. For example, jobs and occupations carried out by women rather than men tend to be paid less. This is made strikingly clear when pay rates between countries where a certain occupation is dominated by men such as dentists in the United States are compared with a country where women have a more equal or even dominant share of jobs in that occupation such as dentists in Well equipped women xxx of Europe.

Pay tends to be considerably lower for the same job in the latter case. Second, work segregation by sex limits the autonomy, freedom and recognition accorded to individual women and men. The same is true of men who wish to pursue occupations that are gendered female, but given the extra limitations on women entering labour markets, occupational segregation as a whole disadvantages women more than men, and this exacerbates inequality.

Third, work segregation by sex limits collective flourishing, because it le to a situation where it is harder for people to match their talents to occupations, thus inhibiting the way in which people's talents might serve the common good.

We return to this important issue of stereotypes in what follows, as it has a considerable bearing on sex segregation in the cultural industries which is itself the key source of social representation, whether stereotyped or otherwise. There has been a great deal written on work segregation by sex, but very little of it concerns the cultural industries. But Browne, who is not a cultural analyst, pays no attention to how the specific nature of the BBC as a culture-producing organization might be the source of factors that influence sex segregation dynamics there — a major focus of our contribution here.

In turn, very little of the considerable literature on cultural production has addressed sexual work segregation in any detail. Although there are many other important aspects of sexual inequality and gender dynamics in cultural work, our theme in this chapter, then, is work segregation by sex, which of course is one aspect of the more general problem of division of labour by sex. In the next section, we provide a brief overview of our research methods. We then outline some of the main forms which, according to our observations, work segregation by sex takes in the cultural industries: the high presence of women in marketing and public relations roles in the cultural industries; the high s of women in production co-ordination and similar roles; the domination of men of more prestigious creative roles; and the domination by men of technical jobs.

Next, we move from problems to possible explanations of them: what gender dynamics drive such patterns of work segregation by sex? A theme that emerges from the discussion, which we briefly consider at the end, is as follows: to what extent does the attribution of particular strengths and styles such as an ability to deal with emotion and intimacy actually serve to limit women's quality of working life?

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This chapter extends the analysis of the quality of working life in the cultural industries presented in our book Creative Labour Hesmondhalgh and Baker, by drawing out the gendered dimensions of this work. The turn to cultural work, we were suggesting, would benefit from greater clarity about evaluation of working life in the cultural industries, and therefore about what reforms might be argued for.

Empirically, the book drew on interview and participant observation research conducted in three industries — music, magazine publishing and television — in order to provide a spread of case studies. We also drew extensively on other sources to contextualize those industries, and to understand their specific organizational dynamics.

Gender was a ificant concern from the start. In our interviews and case studies, we attempted to balance the proportion Well equipped women xxx men and women, and to talk to workers at different levels of the industries we studied.

We paid careful attention to gender in coding theand intended to write a separate chapter on gender. While gender issues appeared at various points throughout the book, such as our chapter on emotional and affective labour in the cultural industries, we did not find time to integrate our findings with existing theoretical and empirical research on gender and work in general or with the very small of studies on gender and cultural work. This chapter therefore seeks to remedy this fault at least partially, by drawing on our empirical material, and on research on gender and work, gender and cultural production, and cultural production and work.

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The fieldwork for the study was conducted in —7 and was funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. Both of us have continued to research the cultural and media industries and, in our view, while these industries have continued to change, as they always do, they have not changed so much that our fieldwork does not cast interesting light on present realities. The fieldwork was done entirely within England. We make no claims about the international generalizability of the data. However, based on our familiarity with cultural industries in other Anglophone countries, we believe it likely that some of these patterns would be reproduced elsewhere in the over developed world.

In the cultural industries, as in many other sectors, the tasks most often carried out by women rather than men include public relations and marketing. Things have changed somewhat — there are other roles that women have begun to take on.

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But across all three of the industries that we studied television, magazine journalism and music many of the marketing and PR staff we talked to were women, working in departments where women were in a majority. PR and marketing were among those occupations that were feminized in the s, both inside the cultural industries and more generally. PR and marketing can be seen as cultural occupations that exist in many — indeed most — industries and in many firms, including in the cultural industries themselves.

A second area of cultural work that is markedly female in the composition of its workforce is, broadly, those types of work concerned with the co-ordination and facilitation of production. On visiting an independent television production company, Well equipped women xxx of us noticed that the first half of the office area, nearest to the reception, was all male. This was by no means atypical in television production, and importantly, the creative side is more prestigious.

Totally, totally crap that is, isn't it? Such hierarchization is also apparent in the case of public relations and marketing, which, like production co-ordination, are less prestigious occupations within the cultural industries than are creative roles. Nevertheless, some interviewees noted shifts in segregation by sex. These are rather more managerial than they are creative — the core of the job is to organize and handle the creative outputs of others. The job is not dissimilar to that of the commissioning editor in publishing, a role that was feminized relatively early, in the s and s see Henry, But only 18 per cent of creatives were women, and this percentage actually declined in the s.

Combined with problems for women in gaining promotion, endemic in most industries and which we will discuss below this in turn meant that very few women achieved the position Well equipped women xxx creative director. Yet, because marketing had become increasingly feminized, as discussed above, the marketing managers to whom advertisers were presenting were often female: an imbalance of which agencies were strongly aware.

According to figures cited by Nixon : 9650 per cent of marketing managers were female by the end of the s. What is more, as Miranda Banks points out, craft and technical occupations associated with women, such as costume de, tend to be relatively unrecognized and undervalued. This can happen to the degree that such occupations are not even recognized as involving craft or technical skills at all.

While creative roles might sometimes be more prestigious, and more recognized publicly, actual creative workers receive very unequal rewards and have very different levels of power and autonomy from each other. These issues are important in the present context because technical and craft jobs tend to be taken by men — and there may be divisions within the creative jobs, whereby occupations with high s of women, such as acting, are prone to uncertain work conditions.

We are likely to understand the complexities of segregation by sex better, the more we drill down to specific job levels, rather than looking at occupations or occupational groupings such as creative or craft workers as a whole. So, we have presented a of ways in which work segregation by sex is manifested in the cultural industries.

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How, though, do we explain such patterns? To ask such a question invokes the broader problem of explaining work segregation by sex in general. Anker has discussed how some dominant social science theories, notably neo-classical, human capital and institutional labour market models, tend a to treat occupational sex segregation as though it is the same thing as sex-based pay differentials, when it is not; b fail to provide an explanation of how occupational sex segregation comes about.

Some of them are positive, such as the idea that women have a caring nature, that they are skilled in domestic work, or that they have greater manual dexterity, trustworthiness and attractiveness. Such views feed the gendering of occupations such as nursing, teaching, social work, hairdressing, dressmaking, book-keeping, reception and shop assistant work, and so on. Some are negative, such as ideas that women are less able to supervise others, that they have less physical strength many women have greater physical strength than many menthat they are less able in science and maths, that they are less willing to travel, or to face danger and use physical force.

This affects the gendering of occupations such as management, mining and construction work, engineering and transport, and security work. These tend to push women in the direction of jobs that are low paid, unprotected and often repetitive.

Questions of culture, meaning and discourse have been an important element of feminist theory in recent decades see Fraser,for an incisive discussion of this issue. The concept of stereotyping may seem to some rather basic compared with sophisticated debates about issues such as the gendering Well equipped women xxx language itself.

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Certainly, it has fallen from favour in media and cultural studies over the last 30 years though see Pickering,for a defence and clarification of the concept and in feminist media studies.

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Sex, gender and work segregation in the cultural industries