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These ideologues espoused a violent ideology for militant Islamists that believes in a selective interpretation of the Quran, opposes the beliefs of non-Muslims, and rejects political participation in both Western democracies and Middle Eastern institutions of government.

Despite the successes of the aforementioned operations in neutralizing some of the main proponents of this ideology, these ideas still exist. Due to the ubiquity of these ideas and their penetration into civil society, a few nations have sought to Woman want nsa Combes a more comprehensive and non-violent approach to tackling violent extremism. Authorities label these programs as countering violent extremism CVEand they exist in both Muslim and non-Muslim majority states.

Through an analysis of PRAC and Prevent, we can contrast two different ideological approaches to CVE, see the importance of social welfare in implementing these programs, and understand the difficulty in evaluating the efficacy of CVE programs. In order to properly assess the CVE programs found in the United Kingdom and Saudi Arabia, we must first analyze some of the fundamentals of these programs and the intellectual debates surrounding these concepts.

Early scholarship on violent extremism placed it in the context of criminology and asserted that many terrorists were merely maligned individuals that could not reverse the deviant path down which they have traveled. Most CVE programs seek to counter violent ideology along the entirety of the radicalization spectrum through the employment of radicalization awareness, de-radicalization, and disengagement.

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Awareness is proactive and its success relies on the entirety of society to understand radicalization and identify symptoms of this process in the populace. De-radicalization and disengagement, on the other hand, are reactionary and target individuals. Radicalization awareness, de-radicalization, and disengagement represent the three fundamentals of a CVE program and or strategy. Two such programs, Prevent in the U. Saudi officials successfully crushed the militant Islamists with a brutal combat counterterrorism campaign.

Yet, Saudi officials understood that they could not challenge violent Islamist extremism solely with security measures. PRAC assumes that it can counter militant Islamist ideology by diffusing it within the framework of Islam and proving to extremists that their ideology has perverted true Islam. In addition to delegitimizing the theological underpinnings of militant Islamist ideology, PRAC reaffirms state authority by placing it in the context of Islam. In addition to Woman want nsa Combes strong ideological approach, PRAC contains robust social welfare for detained militant Islamists.

The Advisory Committee, which manages the counseling program, values the relation established between the detainee and cleric. Stressing the importance of a bond, the Advisory Committee will replace a cleric if it feels he has not established a rapport with the detainee. The bond between detainee and state-sponsored cleric is crucial to a program that seeks to establish a new ideological framework through authority and trust.

The Advisory Committee typically includes family members during de-radicalization. Families are counseled on how to talk to their sons and persuade them to repent. Despite its comprehensive approach to CVE, one must wonder about the success of the program. PRAC authorities also have not indicated how the Saudis truly measure success. Disengagement, therefore, does not truly measure de-radicalization.

To May, integration did not sufficiently counter radicalization; she asserted that a successful strategy needed to challenge the ideologies behind extremism and terrorism and confront them head on—not try to delegitimize them through greater cultural participation. This values-based definition of ideology reflects political discourse of right-leaning European political parties that reject the concept of multiculturalism and see it as a failure. When countering violent extremism, Prevent combines an ideological thrust based on British values with a strong sense of social welfare.

One component of Prevent, Channel, has gained notoriety for implementation of social services to identify vulnerable individuals through a program of awareness and identification. Channel is a police-coordinated, multiagency partnership that evaluates the referrals of individuals deemed at risk of succumbing to the allure terrorism. The referral process draws upon a wide range of partners and its framework is similar to other social services provided by the British Government. Statutory organizations include local authorities, police, youth offending services, social workers, housing and voluntary groups.

Employing British society to identify vulnerable person requires training and awareness—not merely a rubric for referral. In order to better edify the British public, Prevent also consists of an awareness campaign to help the British public better identify some of the warning s mentioned above.

The latest rendition of Prevent does not offer any statistical backing to the claim that its predecessor failed. Trust in Prevent must be improved. For example, one of the communities tasked to identify vulnerable people, the British university system, rejects the notion of observing and referring people deemed vulnerable.

Alienating a suspect community is an issue Woman want nsa Combes confronting the multicultural society of a non-Muslim majority state like the United Kingdom. Due to prevalence of a political discourse that disparages multiculturalism, the creators of the newest rendition of Prevent sought to define violent extremist ideology in terms of mores with which they have familiarity—British values. PRAC, on the other hand, has the luxury of an ideological approach rooted in Islam itself. Being a Muslim majority state, Saudi Arabia did not run the risk of alienating minorities and therefore crafted a CVE program with strong theological roots.

PRAC also exploits tenets of Wahhabi Islam by merging theology and civic responsibility as a path toward rehabilitation. A rehabilitated detainee will respect the authority of the Kingdom as well as Islam. The two vastly different ideological approaches employed by Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom have national security ramifications for the United States as our nation institutes its CVE program.

The two case studies offer observers different approaches to an ideological framework in which to challenge militant Islamist ideology. PRAC seeks to build a connection between the detainee and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by providing him or her with a wealth of social services—including counseling and financial support during incarceration.

Prevent seeks to identify vulnerable populations by educating the public and transposing the strategy onto existing frameworks of social services. While the United States does not have the breadth of a welfare state like the one found in the United Kingdom, the United States can learn that CVE is a comprehensive attempt to Woman want nsa Combes terrorism and must utilize every facet of society to delegitimize violent ideologies. Society also plays a large role in the success of a CVE program.

Like the United Kingdom, the United States is a multicultural society that celebrates the freedom of religion. Therefore, CVE policy makers could learn about the potential cultural sensitivities and how to balance capacity building and alienation. Therefore, these s should not provide evidence of success until an independent agency verifies them.

An assessment of the two case studies found above will allow the United States to better calibrate its counterterrorism and countering violent extremism strategies. Yet, one must wonder about the social welfare implemented by the two programs.

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Does countering violent extremism belong in the conversation regarding the expansion of social welfare? Is violent extremism merely a social scourge that government can cure by replacing the psychological and social voids of an individual ly inhabited by an ideology? Counterterrorism studies would benefit from this type of approach and greater research into the social and psychological conditions that motivate individuals to assume violent ideologies like militant Islamist ideology.

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Further research may also allow policy makers to make a cognitive shift away from the myopic prism of countering violent extremism as a threat to national security but view it more broadly as a social or public health concern. A change in perception may allow practitioners to truly de-radicalize violent extremists. The views expressed in this work are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of State, Department of Defense or the U.

March 31, Constructed a 'Suspect' Community. Rehabilitation, and Aftercare. Majority States. Assessing the Effectiveness of De-Radicalization Programs. William Sheridan Combes works at the U. Department of State as a Foreign Affairs Officer in information management and diplomatic history.

Combes has cultivated knowledge of European politics and society while serving as a European desk officer and counterterrorism analyst for Woman want nsa Combes Europe. He also holds two degrees in European history: A B.

Currently, Mr. I wonder which shills looking to loot the Saudi privatization efforts will try and convince Americans to stay stuck in the Mid East. Assad and ISIS might be the way those losers make the argument to ordinary Americans, Woman want nsa Combes of the real reasons Last month Saudi Arabia said that it could begin selling off its U. The Mid East at this point in time isn't that important to larger American interests and that includes Saudi Arabia. It's mostly outsiders and those that benefit career or money wise that want us to stay engaged. That's the problem with Koch non-interventionist conferences that include Chas "the Saudis are wonderful!

That got us to thinking about how the Connecticut-sized Persian Gulf nation, which boasts the world's highest per capita income thanks to its energy resources, is also growing its footprint on K Street. I know, I know Qatar isn't Saudi, but what the heck goes on in the Pentagon? Is this in anticipation of a Clinton presidency and Syrian regime change via funding rebels and Al Qaeda affiliates?

Will Americans ever have an American "desk" at the Pentagon or is it all outside influence agents? Because whatever nonsense the Russians are up to, there is no way that the Saudis aren't playing around with that angle too. Another article I saved. I don't go looking for the names but they turn up so often, especially Richard Fontaine he's everywhere these days and CNAS, you know? I look up things on Yemen and lots of similar names and think tanks keep coming up:.

Its oil is expected to run out inbut Yemen hasn't planned for its young, poverty-ridden population's post-oil future. It all goes back to the HBR Boston Consulting paper fromdoesn't it, and the idea of the "tail" being an opportunity. Not a conspiracy theory, just lots of people having the same idea at the same time. It's all agenda driven, policy, it has nothing to do with keeping us safe. Yet in light of our compelling national interest in avoiding a failed state in Yemen, the United States has reason to devote even greater resources to the effort than it does today.

You don't say. Well, if the American people can't find their way to better information and self-educate, then what can we do? The press has completely abdicated its responsibility. They would basically print press releases from Human Rights organizations introduced by who knows who and who knows how. With the exception of John Nagl and of course General Petraeus due to certain behaviorsthe rest of the CNAS surge and AfPak crew have made it into the permanent government bureaucracy, just like the neoconservatives who never leave thanks to their shifting between industry, government and think tanks.

I predict someone will be Secretary of Defense in the future, I mean besides Fluornoy. It's strange, isn't it, one guy the fall guy for the public? Wonder what really happened.

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